Recognizing and protecting customary land rights is a critical component of protecting and defending the land rights of the rural poor. This study is founded upon the notion that protecting and enforcing the land claims of rural Africans may be best done by passing laws that elevate existing customary land claims up into nations’ formal legal frameworks and make customary land rights equal in weight and validity to documented land claims.

Through a close examination of the text and implementation of the land laws of Botswana, Mozambique and Tanzania, this publication investigates various over-arching issues related to statutory recognition of customary land rights, notably:

The study takes as its starting point that rather than lawmakers inventing theoretical new legal frameworks or borrowing legal models from Western nations, land tenure systems must be based in the lived realities of the people, as practiced daily on the ground.  It suggests that customary and statutory legal systems are not as divergent as may be thought, and identifies areas of overlap that may be useful starting points for creative integration of statutory and customary land law.

The analysis of the case studies in reveals that to successfully harmonize statutory and customary land rights, a law must do seven equally-important things well within its text:

  1. Flexibly allow for the full range of customs within a nation to be expressed and practiced while implementing restrictions that impose basic human rights standards on customary practices, protect against intra-community discrimination, and ensure alignment with the national constitution.
  2. Create local land administration and management structures that: come out of – and look much like – existing local and customary land management structures; are easily established; are low cost both to the state and for users; are highly accessible; and leverage local individuals’ intimate knowledge of local conditions.
  3. Establish administrative processes that are simple, clear, streamlined, local, and easy for rural communities to use to claim and defend their land rights.
  4. Establish appropriate checks and balances between customary/local leadership and state officials, create new, supervisory roles for land administrators, and ensure direct democracy and downward accountability to the people.
  5. Include accessible, pragmatic and appropriate mechanisms to safeguard against intra-community discrimination against women, widows and minority groups.
  6. Establish good governance in land administration by: creating appropriate mechanisms to ensure the law’s enforcement; penalizing state officials who are contravening the law’s mandates; and setting up dispute resolution mechanisms that allow for appeal of community-level decisions.
  7. Protect community land claims and create real tenure security while allowing for investment in rural areas, ensuring that all development will be sustainable, integrated, and beneficial for local communities.

The study concludes that for a law that harmonizes customary and statutory systems to be well and widely implemented, there must be political will to do so; devolvement of power over land and natural resources down to local levels and away from the state is unlikely to garner sufficient long-term political support of central and decentralized state officials. It is therefore imperative to establish new roles for the state and public officials on the one hand, while hindering their possibilities of subverting the law’s intent on the other hand. Safeguards and oversight mechanisms must be included to make sure that the systems are integrated in a way that promotes justice and provides for both upward and downward accountability for both state officials and customary leaders. Such integration must also ensure that should the rural poor need to protect or enforce their land claims, they can easily access and successfully navigate land administration systems.

This document is available directly from the FAO divided into 3 PDF files, found here:

http://www.fao.org/docrep/013/i1945e/i1945e01.pdf

http://www.fao.org/docrep/013/i1945e/i1945e02.pdf

http://www.fao.org/docrep/013/i1945e/i1945e03.pdf

 

Land reform in Myanmar is integral to ensuring the nation’s development is both sustainable and inclusive. The recent and complex history of land confiscation, acquisitions, and conflict has permeated every aspect of life for many smallholder farmers, leaving them to rebuild and reclaim their livelihoods. While progress has been made to empower smallholder farmers under the National Land Use Policy, formal and informal land governance and tenure systems remain overwhelmingly administered and controlled by men. Rural women have been left out of local decision-making and discourse around land governance. The recent land reform and current land laws have not taken the necessary measures to ensure women’s access to land. Better-targeted policies and approaches to implementation are needed to ensure women benefit equally from land reform efforts in Myanmar.

Namati offers this brief to illustrate how gender affects the lives of smallholder farmers and the paralegals supporting them in Myanmar. We return to this topic as an update to our April 2016 brief, titled “Gendered Aspects of Land Rights in Myanmar,” to further reflect on the experience of Namati’s community-based Paralegal Land Rights and Governance Program. Namati has a database of more than 4500 cases, and this casework data underpins this policy brief In addition, field research was conducted in Bago and Shan to provide further qualitative context and to explore the relationship between customary systems and women’s land rights.

It is an excellent time to return to this topic as the new, NLD-led government has implemented some reforms since 2016 and is in the process of drafting and implementing a series of significant new land laws which should be in line with the National Land Use Policy.

This policy brief explores the land administration and governance system and its effects on women’s land rights, gendered barriers in patriarchal cultures and customary practices, and the role of paralegals in expanding women’s land rights and increasing women’s participation in land governance. We conclude this brief with recommendations for the Myanmar government and civil society.

You can also read the English language version of this resource.

Land reform in Myanmar is integral to ensuring the nation’s development is both sustainable and inclusive. The recent and complex history of land confiscation, acquisitions, and conflict has permeated every aspect of life for many smallholder farmers, leaving them to rebuild and reclaim their livelihoods. While progress has been made to empower smallholder farmers under the National Land Use Policy, formal and informal land governance and tenure systems remain overwhelmingly administered and controlled by men. Rural women have been left out of local decision-making and discourse around land governance. The recent land reform and current land laws have not taken the necessary measures to ensure women’s access to land. Better-targeted policies and approaches to implementation are needed to ensure women benefit equally from land reform efforts in Myanmar.

Namati offers this brief to illustrate how gender affects the lives of smallholder farmers and the paralegals supporting them in Myanmar. We return to this topic as an update to our April 2016 brief, titled “Gendered Aspects of Land Rights in Myanmar,” to further reflect on the experience of Namati’s community-based Paralegal Land Rights and Governance Program. Namati has a database of more than 4500 cases, and this casework data underpins this policy brief In addition, field research was conducted in Bago and Shan to provide further qualitative context and to explore the relationship between customary systems and women’s land rights.

It is an excellent time to return to this topic as the new, NLD-led government has implemented some reforms since 2016 and is in the process of drafting and implementing a series of significant new land laws which should be in line with the National Land Use Policy.

This policy brief explores the land administration and governance system and its effects on women’s land rights, gendered barriers in patriarchal cultures and customary practices, and the role of paralegals in expanding women’s land rights and increasing women’s participation in land governance. We conclude this brief with recommendations for the Myanmar government and civil society.

You can also read the Myanmar language version of this resource.

This research brief is part of a series that reviews the nature of the work undertaken by community paralegals, and the extent to which that work is recognized or funded by government. In New Zealand, paralegals are formally recognized in the 2011 New Zealand Legal Services Act + 2006 Lawyers and Conveyancers Act.

The first briefs published for this series focus on the types of community paralegals who have been formally recognized either in law or policy. We acknowledge that this is just a small part of a much larger picture. Beyond the government-recognized paralegals discussed in these briefs, a broader, dynamic ecosystem of community paralegals operates effectively without state recognition in many countries. We aim to one day expand our research to offer a more comprehensive analysis of this larger universe. For now, however, our research briefs are limited to offering summary information and illustrative examples of the community paralegals who have been formally recognized by law or policy.

Each of these briefs is a living document– if you have an update, addition, or a correction, please contact us at community@namati.org.

This research brief is part of a broader resource guide on community paralegal recognition and financing that includes additional community paralegal research briefs, a list of supplemental laws and resources for each country, and other supporting materials on the subject.

This research brief is part of a series that reviews the nature of the work undertaken by community paralegals, and the extent to which that work is recognized or funded by government. In Indonesia, paralegals are formally recognized in the 2011 Law on Legal Assistance and Regulation 182 (2018). However, a 2018 Supreme Court decision diluted this recognition when it declared invalid substantive provisions of the 2018 regulation specifying the paralegals’ functions.

The first briefs published for this series focus on the types of community paralegals who have been formally recognized either in law or policy. We acknowledge that this is just a small part of a much larger picture. Beyond the government-recognized paralegals discussed in these briefs, a broader, dynamic ecosystem of community paralegals operates effectively without state recognition in many countries. We aim to one day expand our research to offer a more comprehensive analysis of this larger universe. For now, however, our research briefs are limited to offering summary information and illustrative examples of the community paralegals who have been formally recognized by law or policy.

Each of these briefs is a living document– if you have an update, addition, or a correction, please contact us at community@namati.org.

This research brief is part of a broader resource guide on community paralegal recognition and financing that includes additional community paralegal research briefs, a list of supplemental laws and resources for each country, and other supporting materials on the subject.

This research brief is part of a series that reviews the nature of the work undertaken by community paralegals, and the extent to which that work is recognized or funded by government. In 2012, the Sierra Leonean government adopted a legal aid law that recognizes the role paralegals play in delivering justice services and calls for a paralegal in every chiefdom in the country.

The first briefs published for this series focus on the types of community paralegals who have been formally recognized either in law or policy. We acknowledge that this is just a small part of a much larger picture. Beyond the government-recognized paralegals discussed in these briefs, a broader, dynamic ecosystem of community paralegals operates effectively without state recognition in many countries. We aim to one day expand our research to offer a more comprehensive analysis of this larger universe. For now, however, our research briefs are limited to offering summary information and illustrative examples of the community paralegals who have been formally recognized by law or policy.

Each of these briefs is a living document– if you have an update, addition, or a correction, please contact us at community@namati.org.

This research brief is part of a broader resource guide on community paralegal recognition and financing that includes additional community paralegal research briefs, a list of supplemental laws and resources for each country, and other supporting materials on the subject.

This research brief is part of a series that reviews the nature of the work undertaken by community paralegals, and the extent to which that work is recognized or funded by government. The Philippine judiciary does not formally recognize community paralegals. In fact, the Supreme Court has held that a person not admitted as an attorney, including paralegals, cannot engage in the practice of law.

The first briefs published for this series focus on the types of community paralegals who have been formally recognized either in law or policy. We acknowledge that this is just a small part of a much larger picture. Beyond the government-recognized paralegals discussed in these briefs, a broader, dynamic ecosystem of community paralegals operates effectively without state recognition in many countries. We aim to one day expand our research to offer a more comprehensive analysis of this larger universe. For now, however, our research briefs are limited to offering summary information and illustrative examples of the community paralegals who have been formally recognized by law or policy.

Each of these briefs is a living document– if you have an update, addition, or a correction, please contact us at community@namati.org.

This research brief is part of a broader resource guide on community paralegal recognition and financing that includes additional community paralegal research briefs, a list of supplemental laws and resources for each country, and other supporting materials on the subject.

This research brief is part of a series that reviews the nature of the work undertaken by community paralegals, and the extent to which that work is recognized or funded by government. Malawi’s Legal Aid Act recognizes “Legal Aid Assistants,” who are not qualified as legal practitioners, but are authorized to work full-time as a service provider with the Legal Aid Bureau or any clinical law studies program.

The first briefs published for this series focus on the types of community paralegals who have been formally recognized either in law or policy. We acknowledge that this is just a small part of a much larger picture. Beyond the government-recognized paralegals discussed in these briefs, a broader, dynamic ecosystem of community paralegals operates effectively without state recognition in many countries. We aim to one day expand our research to offer a more comprehensive analysis of this larger universe. For now, however, our research briefs are limited to offering summary information and illustrative examples of the community paralegals who have been formally recognized by law or policy.

Each of these briefs is a living document– if you have an update, addition, or a correction, please contact us at community@namati.org.

This research brief is part of a broader resource guide on community paralegal recognition and financing that includes additional community paralegal research briefs, a list of supplemental laws and resources for each country, and other supporting materials on the subject.

This research brief is part of a series that reviews the nature of the work undertaken by community paralegals, and the extent to which that work is recognized or funded by government. In China, “personnel” of legal aid institutions or “persons of other social organizations in accordance with the demand” may conduct legal aid. However, regulations do not provide further guidance on the role, minimum qualifications, or practices of non-lawyer legal aid providers.

The first briefs published for this series focus on the types of community paralegals who have been formally recognized either in law or policy. We acknowledge that this is just a small part of a much larger picture. Beyond the government-recognized paralegals discussed in these briefs, a broader, dynamic ecosystem of community paralegals operates effectively without state recognition in many countries. We aim to one day expand our research to offer a more comprehensive analysis of this larger universe. For now, however, our research briefs are limited to offering summary information and illustrative examples of the community paralegals who have been formally recognized by law or policy.

Each of these briefs is a living document– if you have an update, addition, or a correction, please contact us at community@namati.org.

This research brief is part of a broader resource guide on community paralegal recognition and financing that includes additional community paralegal research briefs, a list of supplemental laws and resources for each country, and other supporting materials on the subject.

This research brief is part of a series that reviews the nature of the work undertaken by community paralegals, and the extent to which that work is recognized or funded by government. In Moldova, paralegals are formally recognized in Law No. 198-XVI Law on State Guaranteed Legal Aid (2007).

The first briefs published for this series focus on the types of community paralegals who have been formally recognized either in law or policy. We acknowledge that this is just a small part of a much larger picture. Beyond the government-recognized paralegals discussed in these briefs, a broader, dynamic ecosystem of community paralegals operates effectively without state recognition in many countries. We aim to one day expand our research to offer a more comprehensive analysis of this larger universe. For now, however, our research briefs are limited to offering summary information and illustrative examples of the community paralegals who have been formally recognized by law or policy.

Each of these briefs is a living document– if you have an update, addition, or a correction, please contact us at community@namati.org.

This research brief is part of a broader resource guide on community paralegal recognition and financing that includes additional community paralegal research briefs, a list of supplemental laws and resources for each country, and other supporting materials on the subject.